Summary

Week 3 wrap-up

Why study women, address their issues separately?

Women are poorer than men, some of this is likely result of gender-biased development.

Gender bias—how is it manifested?

  • ‘Gendered institutions’
  • Everyday social life: division of labor along gender lines, and household-level differences–in other words, households may be poor, but that doesn’t mean everyone in the household is equally poor (so projects or statistics focusing on the household may have a gender bias).
  • Attitudes and stereotypes (patriarchal culture …)
  • Research, statistics (‘statistical invisibility’)
  • Policy (gendered institutions)
  • History (colonial and post-colonial)

Types of poverty

  • Time poverty
  • Human poverty
  • Income poverty
  • Poverty as historical process–the ‘feminization’ of poverty (Chant’s chapter)
    • poverty reduction vs gender equity (can you have the former without the latter?)
    • capacity to contribute to household economy–what are the trends, and do they vary by gender?
    • remember–women are not some monolithic group
  • Poverty as a household or individual process (not who is poor, but how do people or households become poor?)
    • Sickness, death, divorce, calamity)
    • Life course differences (dependency, generational changes)
    • Household poverty as insufficient measure
    • Women’s poverty is increasing over time

Gender-biased development: some driving forces

  • Patriarchal culture, system of privilege
  • Human capital deficit (education, job skills)
  • Differential access to production factors (land, labor, capital)
  • Differential access to institutions (‘gendered’ institutions)
  • Time poverty–limits opportunities to participate
  • Health care (a woman’s most productive years are often her most fertile years … )
  • Access to technology (widening ‘technology gap’)

The professional response to gender bias, feminization of poverty:     Social and political movements

WID (Women in development)

  • Scholars, advocates, practitioners (sounds neater than it is . . .)
  • Addressed economic efficiency arguments
  • Welfare of women-recipients of assistance
  • Didn’t challenge structures, status quo-addressed symptoms, economic concepts of development
  • Microenterprise, income generation
  • Marginalized women?

GAD (gender and development)

  • Response to perceived shortcomings of WID
  • Gender relations is the key, structural issues key barriers
  • More complex understanding of issues
  • Women as participants, not merely recipients
  • Equity, justice (think of various levels, ‘spheres’)
  • Political organization, ‘mainstreaming’ of development

Difficult to implement? Why?

What do women do to address these gender biases that limit (at a minimum) their economic potential?

  • Social capital–they often organize around scarce resources (rotating labor associations, savings clubs, etc.)–they work together much more effectively than men, largely because they have had to compensate for a lack of productive resources by organizing labor and capital differently.
  • Social movements–often resource-based (e.g., the Chipko Movement)

What does ‘development’ do to address this?

  • Grassroots participation (even data collection … )
  • More robust information  on which to base policy
    • Mohanty and the ‘third world women’ as monolithic group with identical interests, in contrast to ‘Western women’
      • Class, race, ethnicity, history, geography, all lead to different circumstances and a need to avoid generalizing, or treating ‘women’ as generic victims.
      • This can lead to ethnocentric generalizations about what’s ‘best’ for women (those Western ideals about autonomy, education, etc.).
  • Appropriate technology (scale, benefit, use, sustainability, dependence all issues)
  • Address reproductive burdens on women (health-related)
  • Address women’s poor access to ‘natural’ (the land, resources), human (their skill sets), institutional (access to government, education, microfinance, etc.) capital